Download Anthropology in the Public Arena: Historical and by Jeremy MacClancy PDF

By Jeremy MacClancy

This articulate and authoritative survey of either the preferred and educational traits in anthropology demonstrates the extensive relevance of anthropological wisdom and argues for a extra inclusive perception of the self-discipline that engages the general public imagination.

  • Demonstrates the evolving social contexts of British anthropological thought and perform from the mid-19th century
  • Highlights the significance of renowned anthropology in forming and maintaining the pro discipline
  • Explores the earlier and current cross-fertilization of anthropologists, scientists and popular literary figures
  • Assesses the pioneering efforts on-line to develop the function of anthropology in public debates
  • Appeals to a broader readership attracted to cultural and highbrow history

Content:
Chapter 1 Beating the boundaries of self-discipline? (pages 1–57):
Chapter 2 John Layard, “Study of a Failure” (pages 58–80):
Chapter three Geoffrey Gorer, “Britain's Margaret Mead” (pages 81–109):
Chapter four Robert Graves (pages 110–134):
Chapter five Mass remark (pages 135–157):
Chapter 6 The Literary picture of the Anthropologist (pages 158–183):
Chapter 7 Parting reviews (pages 184–192):

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Additional info for Anthropology in the Public Arena: Historical and Contemporary Contexts

Example text

In a 1925 letter where he referred to his friend’s latest “tale of old Egypt,” he argued an anti-evolutionist line and gently ribbed his fellow-author about his learning: It stands to reason old man that the world’s very limited modicum of thinking was done millions of years ago, and that what we mistake for thought nowadays is the reaction of our own damned machinery on our own alleged minds. Get an odd volume of Tylor’s Primitive Culture and see how far this squares with fact. (RK to RH, 28 ii 1925, in Cohen 1965: 138–139) The fieldwork conducted by Stevenson and Haggard had lent authority to their words: much the same can be said for John Buchan and Synge.

In East Africa, anthropologists considered suspect were allocated to small Beating the Bounds of Discipline? 39 groups in out-of-the-way areas which were not politically sensitive (Pels 2011: 798). This bureaucratic aversion to activists, grounded on a fear they would foment, in the terms of the time, “native agitation,” had in fact operated since the 1930s. Malinowski repeatedly warned the radically inclined attending his seminar that they had to choose between their politics and anthropology (Stocking 1996: 412).

Haggard also liked to give his stories a semblance of authority by inserting explanatory footnotes, which place local customs in broader contexts. His references, usually from travelogues or classical accounts, are genuine (Street 1975: 86). For example: Mr Quartermain does not seem to have been aware that it is common for animalworshipping people to annually sacrifice the beasts they adore. See Herodotus, ii. 42 – EDITOR. 1) The sum consequence of sustained ethnographica, learned footnotes, and sympathetic depictions of indigenous protagonists can be regarded as the selective celebration, by Haggard, of the supposedly primitive.

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